Such an approach raises several problems. First, it denies a particular semiotic theory, in this case Realism, its own power as sign and as engine rather than as mere determinant of semiosis. Second, although synchronic but conflicting semiotic systems are recognized, those medieval sign operations not accounted for by contemporaneous theoretical discourses are subordinated, identified by reference to anachronistic modern interpretive norms, or conceived as having been so pervasive and axiomatic as not to have been recorded in texts.
Third, medieval semiotic processes themselves are translated directly into analytical tools of modern research, when, in fact, such processes were constitutive of twelfth-century culture and operated in a vastly different interpretive context than the tools of current social studies. When semiotic practices are seen simply as presupposed habits, objective discourses, or analytical tools, the interpretive creativity of signs within historical societies cannot become a proper subject of historical inquiry.
All of these media, discourses, and esthetics, however, are analyzed only from the viewpoint of their engagement with explicit medieval semiotic systems. Such analyses tend to impute a meta-semiotic, superstructural dimension to those medieval systems, whereby they are conceived to be external to the very reality they constitute. The actual semiotic nature of the heraldic emblem or the gothic cathedral, both new forms in the twelfth century, their signifying modes and locations within processual chains of interpretation, and their force in producing specific cognitive and external realities remain unaddressed in this treatment.
Semiotics of this sort, from the viewpoint of the historian, merely serves to reinforce the well-known chronicle of innovations. Thus charting the zones left in shadow as the spotlight of semiotic anthropology sweeps across the field of medieval history reveals the paradox at the very heart of semiotic anthropology.
On the one hand, Peirce insists on the necessity of context for semiosis to take shape and to make sense, and semiotic anthropologists advocate careful examination of the particular sociohistorical setting within which signs, as contextually informed material instances, operate.
Implicit in the projection of Peirceian sign theory onto all times and cultures is a universalization, a hard-wiring, of signification. Do signs signify independently? Is semiotics a new form of historical determinism, on a par with, say, materialism? The tendency of semiotic anthropology to universalize Peirceian sign theory only partially undermines the utility of its insights for historians. Semiotic anthropology is particularly valuable in exploring material objects as signs because it eschews the systematic application of a logocentric model of meaning, and thus does not reduce culture to the single model of a linguistic code.
It is because I have found politics, law, orality, and literacy inadequate as contexts to account for the diffusion of seals and the newer formulation of personal identity in the eleventh and twelfth centuries that, inspired by semiotic anthropology and its programmatic directions, I have come to consider sealed charters from the viewpoint of the writing bureaus that originated them, situating the conception and production of these charters within the scholarly world described at the beginning of this essay as being in the throes of a semiotic crisis.
To reiterate, these were the Eucharist and the related subjects of presence and representation; the Trinity and the related issues of person, identity, image, and resemblance; and the authority of script ure and the issue of the referentiality of language. Since the maps tracing seal diffusion and prescholastic theological reflections on sign theory are largely coterminous, it may be the case that the seal derived its new means of signification, especially its capacity to present and represent, from the discourses of semiotics and theology.
I propose to interpret the extension of sealing as a manifestation of a new semiotics in which, as already discussed, immanence rather than transcendence governed the rapport between signifier and signified, thereby making possible new forms for the representation of reality. Among the conceptual tools chancery scholars used to address the issue of personhood was the seal as metaphor. I find it suggestive that the same prescholastic milieus that promoted changes in semiotic thinking, that entertained concerns about representation, authority, and personal identity, and that produced the novel medium of the sealed charter as a solution to these concerns are the very ones that resorted to the seal metaphor to clarify these concerns.
There apparently was no precedence of the metaphorical seal over the documentary seal, and there may be little advantage in trying to explicate one by reference to the other, but it is undeniable that both cover the same semantic territory, organizing and thereby elucidating contemporary views of identity.
In the spheres of both discourse and practice, the seal, linking the divine and the human, was centered precisely on persons, their agency and representation, and their personal relationships to others, to God, and to script. The seal metaphor was not new in Christian discourse and liturgy of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, but its semantic range was now extended. Seal metaphors facilitated discussions on the relational presence of the divine persons—Father, Son, Holy Spirit—within the Trinity, of the Son in Man, and of the Son in God the Father.
Such metaphors were used particularly in discussing image and resemblance, first between the Creator and his Son, who was engendered and not created, and second between the Creator and his creature, the human being. As the body of seal metaphors is vast, I will present and discuss here only a few representative examples. When Abelard wished to demonstrate that the Trinity can be discussed in logical terms, he identified as a principal conundrum the question of unity the Godhead in diversity the three persons of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit , and in proceeding to address this question articulated the main thrust of his theological argument through a seal metaphor:.
Building on his demonstration that the wax and the waxen image are essentially the same but not the same by property and definition, and reusing the same metaphor, Abelard demonstrates the simultaneity of the identity of the triune God and of the difference between the persons of the Father and his begotten Son. Both these passages clearly articulate a concept of identity as a principle of sameness and also a product of the polarization between similar and dissimilar, a concept of property that is, definition, or proper character as that which both characterizes and distinguishes the person.
The seal metaphor in these passages specifically addresses two points. First, there is priority of the material or substance or essence over the image. Second, there may be diversity by virtue of definition or property when things are identical in essence and number. The prescholastic semiotic of mimetism afforded not only an economy of signification but also a differential principle of being. It defined a human person as existing by virtue of relationships of origin, as identical in the sense of its similarity to humanity species but distinct with respect to properties in relationship to others.
Yet it was neither perfect identicality nor absolute distinctiveness but rather comparative likeness—difference in essence, number, and properties—that was emphasized. Human personhood and identity were thus formulated both in relation to God essence and to other human beings number and properties. As such, the concept of the person that developed in the twelfth century, modulating likeness to reveal heterogeneity, was of a unique psychosomatic unit expressing a distinct identity as both flesh and spirit, capable of representation for the purpose of activity in the world.
Prescholastics, in their ontological exploration, privileged an exegetical approach that, borrowing from Neo-Platonic readings of Genesis, presented the human being as created in the image of God so as ultimately to be transformed into his resemblance. Here, the metaphor of sealing was recurrently used to evoke the imprint of the divine archetype on the human raw material. Commentaries on Genesis 1: 26 God made man in his image and likeness from the School of Laon, from Abelard, and from the canons of St.
The created image Man , on the other hand, bears only an analogy to its model: the human being is in the image of God. Abelard and the School of Laon were concerned, however, to reconcile transcendence and immanence, and so insisted on the presence of God within the begotten Son and, through the Son, within the created human being as well. Here again, Abelard and the Laon scholars resorted to another seal metaphor, this time involving the die, its image, and its imprint.
In this sense, the human being is created as an image, imprinted through the medium of divine substance but sharing no substantial affinity with it, unlike the Son, whose image is consubstantially figured of divine substance. In terms of seal metaphors, human identity is about creation, impression, oppression, and reformation. Creation is the process by which Man is made in the image and likeness of God Genesis 1: Impression, that is, the soul formed and signed by the seal of God, expresses the human capacity for good.
Personal formation and reformation are fundamental processes of human identity that Hugh of St. Victor, among others, discussed, resorting frequently to the seal metaphor, as in this striking passage from the De institutione:.
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Paralleling their seal metaphors, the prescholastics who were fostering the new semiotics displayed in their own chanceries a predilection for visibility centered on the concept of an imprinted image at once generated by the principles of likeness and linked to a model. In non-royal charters, the motif of visibility had previously engaged only a single modality of representation, the symbolic, constructed by linguistic signs arranged as a discourse. With seals, a second, iconic modality was introduced, where representation was achieved by lines and figures arranged as images.
In fact, the linguistic and iconic modes were both present on the seal itself—the legend text and the type image —but the essence of their representative power came from their being produced as imprints. That a seal represents by being an object whose marked matter has become graven form is crucial in terms of prescholastic semiotics. The seal metaphors previously discussed suggest that an imprint, by virtue of containing the trace of an origin in its very matter, is a sign forever indicating a radical presence, for instance, that of God in human beings.
The very act of seal imprinting both articulated and dramatized these principles of marking origin and materializing presence. Sealers sometimes went so far as to impress parts of their own bodies on the waxen seal: toothmarks, fingerprints, bits of hair or beard. In terms of prescholastic ontology, both seals and sealers were imprints carrying within their very matter the mark of an original. The seal, thereby participating in an existential relation with the sealer it represented, became an efficacious sign, a power. Thus was the seal enabled to confer on the document its own authority, transforming the document into a monument, which is the name by which sealed charters came to be known during the twelfth century.
Seals allowed simultaneous presence and representation. Their mode of signification was through incarnation. The ritual process of sealing also involved a transformation of substance: it fused two quite different spaces, the locus on the parchment where the affixed seal affirms that ego was there and the physical location where the documentary sealing took place in the presence of witnesses.
Above all, sealing changed a written leaf of parchment into a monument. This occurred by authorizing writing, that is, by incorporating the author into the text. Seals were the incarnation of the ego of diplomatic discourse, marking the charter so that it acquired substance and body.
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However, although seals and the Eucharist participated in a common semiotic logic, seals fell short of sacrality. Their relationship to script occurred at the lower margin of the page: the ego of the author-donor-sealer and his mark are not so much within the text but in consubstantial relationship to it. Seals represented individuals and, by personifying their owners, personalized the written word. From a graphic viewpoint, however, there is a tension in seals between individualization and categorization. The legend is obviously the part of the seal that individualized its owner.
The image of the sealer placed on seals was anthropomorphic, though not a realistic portrait. I described earlier how the ritual of sealing, of imprinting, was itself significant in achieving presence and representation and was often enhanced by bodily marks as part of the imprinting process. Depictions of the body on seals are, as I have noted, nonrealistic, which is not to say that they did not function as a form of portrait within the medieval rules of figuration.
Realism is, after all, simply a convention, and one that the Middle Ages did not equate or associate with physiognomic likeness. Kings were shown in royal garb and posture, nobles as warriors, and bishops in episcopal array. Heraldry, from the mid-twelfth century onward, served as an iconographic rhetoric that expressed the identity of a kindred in relation to other groups, to its own land, and to its separate sub-branches.
From an iconographic viewpoint, seals may be said to display abstracted figures and iconic types. Abstracted figures on seals refer to a conception of the individual as exoteric, someone who must be seen and decoded. As iconic types, seals display a severely limited, barely differentiated repertoire. Seal iconography thus affected the formulation of personal identity in that, through modulated differences of posture, costume, and emblems, it established and published a lexicon of images that classified and limited the contingencies of individual identity.
By linking each individual to a formulaic icon, seals tended less to designate singularity than generic conformity to a group; indeed, they functioned as an index of shared membership in specific groups. Formulaic icons thus suspended individual referentiality, conferring on seals the status of a system. The text of the legend particularized a given seal, giving it the status of instance. Thus seal graphism generated personal identity through a grammar that articulated the organizing principles of society. In this way, personal identity was defined and produced as an instance of social order, and thus produced itself as the verifier of the system it substantiated.
The medieval sense of identity was about resemblance: the person as sign signaled that signs of representation were in conformity with social reality. This sense of identity parallels what is conveyed by the seal metaphor: the self as seal impression. The seal was the form, and the resultant personalized individual was a likeness. Seal metaphors and seal graphism were not alone in projecting this concept of identity. The element of likeness was intensified by the technique of sealing, which involves duplication.
Every seal impression in wax from a specific matrix was identical. Seals, bearing conventional images and acting through replication, did not emphasize distinction so much as likeness. And the seal owner, as the object of representation, himself became an image of sameness, a warranted replica. The identities of the individual and his seal depended on their capacity to resemble a model. In its operating and metaphoric principles, the seal was associated with transcendency God and at the same time also partook of the properties of its referent, an individual.
The seal—operating through the medium of its progeny the impressions , through its creative capacity, through its power of becoming the impression , as well as simply of being the matrix —was experienced in analogy to the life process. On the mechanism of seal operation, the individual could project the autonomy of his conscience we have seen the importance of intention , his ability to control the idea of his person. Mechanization and personalization are not contradictory. Individuals and seals became reciprocal models.
Seals, conforming to and informing the logic of prescholastic semiotics, derived their capacity for signifying from their perceived affinity to, and agency within, human biography. Thus seals were successful as objects denoting both identity and authority. They produced identity as a foundation for documentary authorship, authority, and, ultimately, authentication. The notion of identity as likeness and replicable resemblance, as it came to be conceptualized and realized through seals, was to affect more generally the fabric of social life.
This double, which functioned as if the other the human absentee were both present and identical, was an object, the seal; reciprocally, the seal signified the individual, who thus came to be newly mobilized as a locus for imparting permanence and authority to the written word. Such mobilization was therefore achieved by means of representation conceived both as replicate presence and as objectification. These two processes had radical effects on the notion of the individual.
In the course of embodying the linguistic ego of a charter together with the physical presence of its individual referent, seal and imago veered away from personal expression and toward stylization. Seals empowered not the individual as particular being but the person as category, the person as representative.
The graphic logic of seals established a crucial distinction between the individual of flesh and character and the individual as an impersonation of social roles specified by codes. The particular living individual of earlier oral ceremonies came to be increasingly abstracted as an incarnation of a particular social group. Formulas of identity on seals predicate the notion of individuals as archetypes. The socialization of signs of recognition prompted a consideration, and an allocation, of emblematic qualities that came to substitute for individual character. Sigillographic representation, constituting its subject by exhibiting qualifications and titles, produced personal legitimacy as a functional effect of the social framework.
Through seals, therefore, the power of authorization passed from the individual to the representational framework of titles and qualifications that enabled, permitted, and authorized his or her authority. The emergence of the person as a category repositioned authority itself as an impersonal and atemporal structure capable of generating itself as state, and duties as law. In producing impersonal identity as the foundation for authority and authenticity, seals assume an epiphanic concept of authority that lays claim to function in its own name, that is, in the name of.
Individual empowerment by means of seals implied that, as a represented subject, the medieval human being was reinvented as an object, becoming a symbolic form wherein the immediate particulars of personal presence were synthesized and vested in tangible objects, seals. To be recognized and to be functional as a person, the individual had to become something else, a sign.
Through signs, the individual acquired definition and was constituted as an effective site for the production of symbolic activity. Ultimately, individual identity was subordinated to signs because, in terms of the prescholastic dialectics, which were used to consider the very possibility of a personal identity, signs had greater and more stable powers of representation, their modes of representation involving less personality than typology. The individual was a representational device, a point of reference.
The individual consequently appears to have been a casualty of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, reduced to rule-referential roles, and retreating behind representation and representational signs whose operational principles lay not in individualization but classification, not in differentiation but replication, not in identification but verification.
Seals did not construct social relationships, but they did catalog them as a hierarchical set, serving as a formal system for the indication of social status. The aristocracy, for the period under consideration, came to recognize itself in terms of its sign-objects, and it was in terms of these objects that the morality and the standards of the group—eschatological concerns, warfare, penitential needs, spiritual intentions, accountability, kindred—came to be expressed.
Sealing practices were developed within the polemical world of prescholastic schools and chanceries, where debates on semiotics were also doctrinal and fueled by an awareness that alternative modes of theological interpretation might well lead to the characterization of opponents as alien, if not heretical. Seen in this light, the objective formulation of identity through signs may be situated within a larger strategy concerned with identifying, controlling, and ultimately destroying otherness.
Certainly, the diffusion of sealing and the preoccupation with heresy and doctrinal deviance were contemporaneous. Such speculative considerations stimulate interest in the actual role of identity and of its signs in the regimentation of social life, though for the moment we must leave this unresolved. Prescholastic sign theory informed and enabled the representational capacity of seals, so that seals could embody the identity and operate as the imago of their owners through their very modes of signification. These modes included semantic components text and image , semiotic operations stereotypy, resemblance, replication, and mechanization , and a metaphorical dimension.
Seals were signs that encoded the concept of medieval identity as replicable resemblance. The mode of identification that seals promoted in the eleventh and twelfth centuries favored distinction by category. But of course, in prescholastic culture, true identity, that is, a perfect correspondence between an original and its image, as conceived for the Trinity or the Eucharist, could only be a divine attribute. There is identity if a thing exists entirely with another thing, that is, by essence and number. There is identity secondly, in property; thirdly, by definition; fourthly, by likeness; and fifthly, by incommunicability, when a thing never changes into anything else.
We can say things are identical in these five ways, and by contrary we can say that they are diverse in these five ways; that is, if the conditions of identity are not fulfilled then the things are diverse. Things may be identical in essence and number, but not identical in property or proper character. This may be the case even when their substance is the same, their proper functions alone making a fundamental distinction between them.
A wax image, for instance, may be identical in essence and number with the wax of which it is made.
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But there is no interrelation between the proper character of wax which is one thing, and the proper character of an image, which is another thing. Look at a waxen image. Consider that in it is the mixture of wax: that is, the wax itself as substance. From this wax, the image becomes, in philosophical language, materialized out of material. The same essence is both the wax itself and the wax image.
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We can predicate of the wax that it is the image, and of the image that it is the wax. Nonetheless, it is also true to say that the waxen image is from the wax. But the wax is not from the waxen image. The wax itself is, however, the material of the image. The waxen image is not the material either of the wax or of itself. Again, we can assert that the image was realized out of the wax of which it is composed. Yet neither the wax itself nor the image itself were composed simply out of the image. Now if we take these names of wax and waxen image absolutely, not relatively to one another, we can assert anything of them that will be true of both because the substance is identical.
I mean, for instance, if the wax is yellow and the image an upright figure, then the thing is yellow and upright throughout. If, however, we take the names relatively, in respect, that is, of the generation or composition of the waxen image, thinking of them as the material and the thing materialized from this material, as cause and effect, or the begetter and the begotten, then we cannot link them in respect of their particular functions by a predicating adjective.
We cannot say that the material is the same as the thing materialized from it. Apply this comparison to the divine generation and my position is clear. God, the Father, is the divine Power; God, the son, is divine Wisdom. Now divine Wisdom is a kind of power, since it is the ability to discern and foresee and deliberate aright against anything that may deceive God. Hence divine Wisdom coming from divine Power is a sort of waxen image out of wax. Philosophically, it is a species of genus.
The wax image is from wax as man is from animal. I mean that, in so far as it is a wax image it must be wax, just as in so far as a man is a man, he must be an animal. But the contrary is not true. Power, therefore of discernment and doing all kinds of things may be considered like wax which has potentially either to be a wax image or anything else: or, as the animal species, which may be a man or any other animal. This is my illustration to show that, when the son is begotten of the Father, I mean that divine Wisdom is from divine Power as I have explained.
Victor, among others, discussed, resorting frequently to the seal metaphor, as in this striking passage from the De institutione: In good men the form of the likeness of God is engraved, and when through the process of imitation we are pressed against that likeness, we too are molded according to the image of that likeness.
Why do you think we are enjoined to imitate the life and conduct of good men, unless it be that by imitating them we are reformed to the likeness of a new life? For in them the form of the likeness of God is expressed, and when we impress ourselves on them through imitation, then we too are reshaped according to the image of that same likeness. Her training at the Ecole Nationale des Chartes Paris under Robert-Henri Bautier fostered an interest in medieval diplomatics and sigillography.
A subsequent book on Anne de Montmorency explored and charted the modes of engagement between kingship and nobility over six centuries in such areas as policy, the manipulation and domination of bureaucratic structures, and the orchestration of ideologies. Moving from a consideration of the lay elites to the medieval modes and practices of their representation, she has analyzed the meaning of seals in Form and Order in Medieval France: Studies in Social and Quantitative Sigillography , and in a forthcoming book will explore further the roles of identity and of its signs in the regimentation of social life.
For her next project, Bedos-Rezak will look at medieval culture as a culture of the replica. All who read the manuscript at different stages of its elaborations, Professors Caroline Walker Bynum and Gabrielle M. Ira Rezak, Robert and Dimitri Milch, and the reviewers of the AHR, generously offered critical comments and rich suggestions that were crucial in helping this essay reach its mature version. Without the timely and generous assistance of Dr. Harry Fritts, this essay would have lacked the medium that enabled its appearance.
Finally, it gives me pleasure to acknowledge my debt to the Institute for Advanced Study for the opportunity to carry forward my research for a year — under favorable circumstances, during which, benefiting from the learned guidance of Professor Giles Constable, I was able to advance my work on the medieval practice and theory of signs. Munich, , The London council was gathered following the schism of , to judge between the claims of rival popes. See below pp. My own method is to look not for conformity but for interaction between semiotic systems and semiotic processes.
My argument concerning notions of individuality reopens, on a minor key, a topic eloquently discussed by Colin M. Benson and Giles Constable, eds. Pervin, ed. New York, , —45, gives anthropological and psychological approaches to the formation of social and personal identity that are intriguing even if not directly relevant for medieval society. The bibliography on each of these areas is abundant and is here cited only selectively; see below at n.
On medieval signs in general, see Marie-Dominique Chenu, O. On theories of verbal signification between Augustine and Dante, see Marcia L. Amsterdam, On the postmillennial questioning of intellectual attitudes forged in Late Antiquity, see Constant J. Paris, , — On the growing centrality of written language, the rise of empiricism, and the transformation of symbolic agency, see Brian Stock, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries Princeton, N.
Both Stock and Irvine show the extent to which, in a given society, the performance of literacy is bound up with theories of authority, knowledge, and signification. Brian V. Michael T. Oxford, , esp. Synthetic treatments of authority and authenticity, particularly with respect to legal and documentary practices, include B. Notre Dame, Ind.
Austin, Tex. On postmillennial debates surrounding sacramental theology, I am indebted to Courtenay, Covenant and Causality, essays 2 and 7; H. They, however, treated a universal range of subjects in a detailed, abstract, and systematic way, which contributed to the newer scholastic understanding of faith, an understanding that had lost its previous broader psychological setting.
Much work has been devoted to the School of St. Notre Dame, ; P. Paris, , 1: 47—, esp. Nancy, , —44, esp. Paris, , 5— Monographs bearing on specific chanceries tend to address the method and scope of documentary production. On the career of Berengar of Tours at the cathedral chapter of Saint-Martin of Tours, where he served as grammaticus, scholasticus, and chancellor, see A.
Macdonald, Berengar and the Reform of Sacramental Doctrine ; rpt. Ganz, et al. Wiesbaden, , 5—23, rpt. Paris, , 2: 65—66, no. C 77 This will require the reading of numerous charters so as to establish the itineraries of highly mobile scholars whose intellectual journeys have been abundantly researched but whose services to writing bureaus have remained virtually unexplored. Scholarly contacts and schools of thought are sketched in studies quoted above at nn. Paris, , 1: xv—xviii. Victor above at n.
Werinboldi arciscoli. Arnold and Pamela Bright, eds. English, ed. Green, ed. Oxford, See a fuller bibliography on Roscelin and on his positions below at n. The term realism, however, is confusing in the context of medieval studies. This essay benefited from the studies of J. See below at n. This statement provoked a reaction on the part of Ratramnus d.
Signs of Identity in the Middle Ages
Heriger of Lobbes d. This seal is actually the earliest extant non-royal medieval seal. Paris, , no. Berengar, in rekindling the Eucharistic controversy, also initiated an intense focus on sacramental theology, which dominated eleventh and twelfth-century prescholastic discussions. For a theoretical as well as doctrinal assessment of the debate between Berengar and his opponents, see Colish, Mirror of Language, 65, 72—74; Macy, Theologies of the Eucharist, 35—53; Rubin, Corpus Christi, 13—25; Stock, Implications of Literacy, — Macy, Theologies of the Eucharist, 35— Migne, ed.
Victor: Macy, Theologies of the Eucharist, 74—75, 78—86, — This Laon-Victorine Eucharistic theology described the res of the Eucharist as the true body and blood of Christ, and insisted on the substantial real presence of Christ in the sacrament. It considered this physical presence of Christ to be itself a sign of another reality, the mystical union between Christ and the believer. As the sensual reality of the sacrament is held to signify a spiritual reality, symbolism is maintained.
Helpful in guiding me through the concept of image and representation in prescholastic thought were D. Paris, , particularly J. Washington, D. Augustine and Its Influence Dubuque, Iowa, Buytaert and C. Roscelin taught Abelard, who came to oppose him vigorously even though Abelard may have learned from Roscelin the method of interpreting ancient logical texts as discussions about words rather than things; see Marenbon, Philosophy of Peter Abelard, 9.
Bergeron, O. Richard of St. Victor [d]. Cambridge, , 1—25, analyzes the notion of person beyond its connection with trinitarian doctrine. Victor, De Trinitate, PL, col. As, from a practical viewpoint, this worldly accrediting authority was in the process of replacing divine authority, the reasoning of canonists in dealing with documentary authenticity became circular, thus revealing their difficulty in conceptualizing the nature of the authority to be invested in human signs; see further remarks on documentary authority and authenticity above at n.
In his elegant and pithy essay Sincerity and Authenticity Cambridge, Mass. It is an argument of the present article that new and related concerns for identity, authority, and authenticity seem linked to an evolution toward social regimentation. In reviewing lay charters in Flanders, Ponthieu, Picardie, Ile-de-France, Normandy, and Champagne between and , I found that 10 percent are of the tenth century, while 90 percent are of the first half of the eleventh century. Paris, , 2: 27— In France in the Making, — Oxford, , Jean Dunbabin gives an insightful account of princely charters produced between and pp.
Fauroux, Recueil des actes des ducs de Normandie, p. Brunel, Pontieu, p. Two dictionary entries provide the best discussion of chrismon and trinitarian invocation: Alfred Gawlik in the Lexicon des Mittelalters, 2: col. Sigmaringen, , — Brunel, Pontieu, 21, 30, , , See also a discussion of placing charters on altars in A. Berlin, N. Current scholarship on the Carolingian period ca. Cambridge, , — On the assumption that the written word would not have been aimed at officials unable to handle it, a case has been made for the practical literacy of Carolingian lay elites and for presenting the development of literacy during the eleventh and twelfth centuries as a continuation of the Carolingian achievement McKitterick, Carolingians and the Written Word.
Whatever the level of Carolingian literate skills and the prescriptive power of the Carolingian written word, it seems that their legacy, if any, did not affect the realm of landed transactions, for even during the Carolingian period property matters between lay elites were settled without recourse to the written word. In post-Carolingian northern France, legal and administrative dependency on the written word was not maintained, and only ecclesiastical establishments have left traces of documentary practices. A good treatment of the mechanisms for the settlement of disputes is Stephen D.
Rather, expert memory was assembled continuously in numerous settings where the working intelligence of daily life—possession and use of land, social relations—was repeatedly reshaped and maintained through such recurrent negotiations concerning titles to land. Brunel, Pontieu, charter no.
Jackson, and David Sturdy, eds. Stuttgart, , 27— The method of these excellent volumes is to introduce seals by describing their features, their users, and their value as sources for modern medievalists. In all three works, however, seal function is axiomatically assumed to be documentary validation. Save to Library. A study by Umberto Eco and his colleagues on the history of early zoosemiotics: Commentary and bibliography. The article provides a commentary on Umberto Eco's text " Animal language before Sebeok " , and an annotated bibliography of various versions of the article on 'latratus canis' that Eco published together with Roberto Lambertini, The article provides a commentary on Umberto Eco's text " Animal language before Sebeok " , and an annotated bibliography of various versions of the article on 'latratus canis' that Eco published together with Roberto Lambertini, Costantino Marmo, and Andrea Tabarroni.
Abstraction before the Age of Abstract Art. It is often thought that consciousness has a qualitative dimension that cannot be tracked by science. Recently, however, some philosophers have argued that this worry stems not from an elusive feature of the mind, but from the special Recently, however, some philosophers have argued that this worry stems not from an elusive feature of the mind, but from the special nature of the concepts used to describe conscious states. Marc Champagne draws on the neglected branch of philosophy of signs or semiotics to develop a new take on this strategy.
Andrea Tabarroni. Lessons in 'hopping'. The Dance of Death and the Chester mystery cycle. This paper discusses the influence of the Danse Macabre or Dance of Death on the Chester mystery cycle, in particular in the Massacre and Last Judgement plays. The textual allusions, esp. Is Peter's Dog Barking Intentionally? That is, do they intend or endow the signs that they use with meaning?
However, some of the most intriguing theories concerning this problem actually emerged in the Middle Ages. Of these medieval theories, the most promising seems to be that of Peter Abelard. However, although he grants that the signs used by animals have meaning, he traces the constitution of those meanings not to the animals who use the signs but to another origin.
In pursuing this task, I will do three things. First, I will examine Abelard's zoosemiotic theory. Secondly, I will critique this theory from a Husserlian standpoint. Finally, I will propose a Husserlian solution to some of the problems and issues raised during the course of these discussions. I hope to demonstrate through this analysis that, from a Husserlian perspective, when non-human animals engage in meaningful communicative behavior, they do partake of the higher, meaning-constituting sphere of intentionality.
In other words, animals that communicate are not only capable of intuitive intentional acts but are also capable of objectifying signitive acts. William Crathorn Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Thomas Aquinas and John Duns Scotus are arguably the most celebrated representatives of the 'Golden Age' of scholasticism. Primarily, they are known for their work in natural theology, which seeks to demonstrate tenets of faith without Primarily, they are known for their work in natural theology, which seeks to demonstrate tenets of faith without recourse to premises rooted in dogma or revelation.
Scholars of this Golden Age drew on a wealth of tradition, dating back to Plato and Aristotle, and taking in the Arabic and Jewish interpretations of these thinkers, to produce a wide variety of answers to the question 'How much can we learn of God? Others believed that we have such knowledge, yet debated whether its acquisition requires some action on the part of God in the form of an illumination bestowed on the knower.
Scotus and Aquinas belong to the more empirically minded thinkers in this latter group, arguing against a necessary role for illumination.